Written by Anne Vernet and Eric Pichon
[ Updated 1 April 2016 ] The permanent International Criminal Court (ICC) was established in 1998 by an international treaty now known as the ” Rome Statute “. This statute entrusts the ICC with the mission “to investigate, prosecute and try individuals accused of […] the crime of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes” and, since the 2010 revision (subject to ratification after 2017) “the crime of aggression” (i.e. military violation of the sovereignty of a State by another State). In the wake of the Rwandan genocide , the adhesion of African states was quite considerable: out of 54 African States, 34 are “State parties” to the Rome Statute, most of them sub-Saharan.
The Court has sat since 2002 and is investigating 10 cases , nine of which are located in Africa: Lybia, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Uganda, the Central African Republic (CAR). Kenya, Libya, Côte d’Ivoire and Mali. In addition, Guinea and Nigeria are under preliminary examinations . This list could give the impression that sub-Saharan Africa is the only region where “the most serious crimes of concern to the international community” are committed, and this has led the African Union (AU) to become very critical of the functioning of the ICC. The AU suspects the Court is politically influenced by its, mainly European, funding countries and is pushing for a review of the relationship between the ICC and African states. In the case of Sudan, the head of state in office Omar Al-Bashir is amongst the indictees (Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta’s case was dropped in December 2014), whereas the AU asserts that trials against leaders in charge would put countries at risk of instability. AU has not been successful in asking its member states to withdraw from the Rome Statute, but in January 2016, the AU summit voted in favour of a proposal for withdrawal from the ICC.
On this issue, the European Union and its Member States have a pivotal role to play, as they are both an ICC supporter and donor, and important partners of the African countries.
We have gathered key documents and analyses to help further understanding of the issues at stake in the AU showdown with the ICC.
ICC website: http://www.icc-cpi.int/
Rome Statute: PDF [English, Español, Français, عربي]
- article 13 granting power to the UN Security Council to refer cases to the ICC;
- article 16 granting power to the UN Security Council to defer cases for one year;
- article 27 the jurisdiction of the ICC is applicable to any person, whatever their official capacity (such as Head of State or member of a government); but: article 98 “The Court may not proceed with a request for surrender or assistance whichwould require the requested State to act inconsistently with its obligations under international law”
- article 86 obligation for the States Parties to cooperate with the ICC.
The EU, Africa and the ICC – Prospects and Challenges . in: Mainstreaming Support for the ICC in the EU’s Policies / Olympia Bekou; Hemi Mistry, European Parliament, DG EXPO, March 2014, pp. 79–90.
A detailed analyses of the AU and AU members’ positions, and recommendation for the EU institutions.
The African Union, Kenya and the International Criminal Court / Jon Lunn. Standard Note, SN06743, 16 October 2013, 2 p.
The background of the AU’s call for a deferral of proceedings against Kenyatta – this note was written before the UN security Council rejects the request .
The International Criminal Courts Involvement with Africa: Evaluation of a Fractious Relationship / Konstantinos D. Magliveras; Gino J. Naldi. Nordic Journal of International Law, Vol. 82, no. 3, pp. 417–446, January 2013.
International Criminal Tribunals: A Visual Overview / Daniel McLaughlin, Leitner Center for International Law and Justice, 2013. See pp 63-74 on ICC.
African Union’s views
Decisions and declarations of the AU Assembly, in particular:
The decisions in which the AU Assembly expresses its concern about the application of universal jurisdiction , mainly by European States against African leaders :
Decisions on the Abuse of the Principle of Universal Jurisdiction, July 2010 , January 2011 , July 2012 , (cf also AU views in the AU-EU Expert Report on the Principle of Universal Jurisdiction, 2009 : “When genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes take place within an African state’s own territory, there is no need for that state to rely on universal jurisdiction in order to prosecute the perpetrators:trials can take place on the basis of territorial jurisdiction.”)
The Decisions in which the AU Assembly:
– highlights the fact that prosecution against heads of states could be detrimental for the resolution of conflicts in their countries ;
– supports a deferral of the ICC proceedings against President Al Bashir of Sudan and President Kenyatta of Kenya (according to article 16 of the Rome Statute);
– asks the African States parties to endorse the call for a reform of the Rome Statute procedures of the ICC and for a clarification of the principle of complementarity (the role of the ICC as a last resort, when no national action is undertaken or possible).
- Decision on the Application by the International Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor for the Indictment of the President of the Republic of The Sudan, February 2009 ;
- Decisions on the Reports of the Commission on the Meeting of African States Parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal (ICC), July 2009 , February 2010 , July 2010 ;
- Decisions on the Implementation of the Decisions on the International Criminal Court, January 2011 , 1 July 2011, January 2012 , July 2012 ; May 2013 ; January 2014 , January 2015
Extraordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia . African Union, 12 October 2013.
The main decisions of this extraordinary assembly are: the setting-up of a contact group of the AU Council to engage with the UN Security Council members “on all concerns of the AU on its relationship with the ICC, including the deferral of the Kenyan and Sudanese cases”; and the agreement to support Kenya’s request to postpone Mr Kenyatta’s trial (due in November 2014). The latter request was rejected in November 2013 by the UN Security Council but the Prosecutor of the ICC decided to withdraw the charges against President Uhuru Kenyatta on 5 December 2014.
During its 24th ordinary session of 30-31 January 2015, the AU decided ( Decision 547 XXIV ) to maintain its request to the ICC with regard to Deputy President William Samoei Ruto of Kenya “until the African concerns and proposals for amendments of the Rome Statute of the ICC are considered ” – The ICC decided to dismiss charges against Ruto in April 2016.
In the same decision (Decision 547 XXIV) the AU also called or the suspension of proceedings against President Omar Al Bashir, urging the UN Security Council to withdraw the referral case in the Sudan .
In June 2015, the Assembly decided ( Decision 586 XXV ) to set up an Open-ended Ministerial Committee of Ministers of Foreign Affairs on the ICC to ensure that the decisions of the Assembly on ICC are implemented . The group met for the first time on 27 September 2015 in New York . Some of its conclusions are summarised in the Progress Report Of The Commission On The Implementation Of The Decisions Of The Assembly Of The African Union On The International Criminal Court (January 2016).
AU member states are not unanimous and some of them have expressed their commitment to the ICC: Nigeria, Ghana, Bostwana, Côte d’Ivoire, Mali, and The Gambia .
see the documents gathered by the Coalition for the International Criminal Court (CICC), a group of 2 500 civil society organizations
Cf also analyses below.
Views from the ICC and the Assembly of States Parties of the Rome Statute
Tiina Intelmann, the President of the Assembly of States Parties to the Rome, published an op-ed in several media, on 11 October 2013 where she reminded African states parties of their responsibilities: “the place of the court in the overall Rome Statute System is to be the court of last resort, to get involved only when domestic avenues fail” and invited them to propose amendments to the Statute at the next Assembly of States Parties (November 2013).
The Assembly of States Parties concludes its twelfth session , ICC International Criminal Court, 29 November 2013.
- Special segment as requested by the African Union : “Indictment of sitting Heads of State and Government and its consequences on peace and stability and reconciliation” Informal summary by the Moderator.
The International Criminal Court and Africa: A Discussion on Legitimacy, Impunity, Selectivity, Fairness and Accountability GIMPA Law Conference 2016 / Keynote address by Fatou Bensouda, Prosecutor ICC (March 2016)
ICC press releases:
24/11/ 2015 Statement of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Fatou Bensouda: ‘The ICC is an independent court that must be supported’
Coalition for the ICC (CICC)
6 facts about the African Union summit and the ICC / Global justice Blog, 4.02.2016
Article 3(5) of the Treaty on European Union states that one of the EU’s aims is to promote to the wider world the values on which it is based: democracy, rule of law, and human rights. EU support to the ICC is in line with these principles. For the EU, the ICC is the court of last resort – when national justice institutions fail to act (principle of complementarity); additionally, support for an independent justice sector has an important place in EU cooperation programmes, especially in the framework of the Cotonou Agreement.
European Commission / EEAS
Support for justice reform in ACP countries / European Commission EuropeAid External Cooperation Office, Luxembourg: EUR-OP, 2010, 100 p.
This reference document covers both theoretical and practical aspects about helping to implement an independent justice sector.
cf also: EU’s Human Rights Clause / Bigoni Michele , Library Navigator , European Parliament Library, updated on 10 December 2012
Joint Staff Working document on advancing the principle of complementarity: Toolkit for bridging the gap between international and national justice / European Commission; EEAS. , SWD(2013)26 final, 31 January 2013e, 30 p.
COJUR-ICC is the working group of the EU Member states on the ICC
EU’s response to non cooperation with the ICC by third states / International Criminal Court Sub-area of the Public International Law Working Group (COJUR-ICC). Council of the European Union. 27 November 2013, 4 p.
Information note on the discussions of the COJUR-ICC Working Party sent to EU delegations.; it reaffirms the EU’s full support to the ICC and urges delegations in third countries “to convey relevant information […] on non-cooperation” [of third countries with the ICC].
Action Plan to follow-up on the Decision on the International Criminal Court / Political and Security Committee to Coreper. Council of the European Union. 12 July 2011, 18 p.
This Action Plan aims at coordinating EU member states’ interpretation of the Rome Statute, as concerns in particular the independence of the ICC and the implementation of the principle of complementarity.
More documents can be found the Coalition for the International Criminal Court website.
The European Parliament “[…]Calls on the African States Parties to the Rome Statute of the ICC to fulfil their obligations under the ICC Rome Statute […];
expresses support for the Court’s request to open a liaison office with the African Union in Addis Ababa […]”
The European Parliament “[…] Highlights the importance of the choice of an African country, Uganda, to host this Review Conference, and expresses support for the Court’s request to open a liaison office to the African Union in Addis Ababa, while recognising the universal dimension of the ‘Rome Statute system’; […]”
European Parliament delegation visit to the African Union and Ethiopia , Addis Ababa, 15-17 July 2013
Before the AU, the EP representatives called for a better cooperation in the promotion of global justice.
Think tanks’ and academic analyses
Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa: Evidence from Kenya / Afobarometer Policy paper 23 (2015). Support for ICC prosecutions of Kenyan political figures is relatively high: 61% of Kenyans believe that the cases are an important tool for fighting impunity in the country. More than half believe that the court is an impartial institution (55%) and reject the notion of withdrawing from the Rome Statute/ICC (55%). Further, an overwhelming majority (86%) endorse Kenyatta’s decision to appear before the court in The Hague.
The Brookings Institution (USA) has a series of analyses on the topic, among which:
- International Justice: The International Criminal Court and Africa . March 2014
- Africa’s Case Against the ICC . March 2014.
- Can the International Criminal Court and the African Union Repair Relations? December 2013
- Can the International Criminal Court Play Fair in Africa? October 2013.
The uncertain promise of hybrid justice in the Central African Republic / Valérie Arnould, Egmont Institute (September 2015). This policy paper highlights the challenges facing the Special Criminal Court to be set up by the Central African Republic, relating to capacity needs, ongoing insecurity, the Court’s relationship with the ICC, and its investigative focus.
Actors of Accountability in Africa: ICC, African Union and Nation-States / Ole Frahm, IAI Working Papers 15/12, May 2015. Hybrid courts as in Senegal that combine national and international law may be part of the solution to bridge the growing antagonism between the ICC and the AU.
African leaders and the International Criminal Court: perpetrators, victims or scapegoats? / ISPI Studies, May 2014.
Marco Pedrazzi assesses the huge problems faced by the ICC setting them in the wider framework of international criminal justice’s development; Mehari Taddele Maru focuses on the dispute between the ICC and the African Union, highlighting how the solution may require a generational shift of attitude to both the actors; Leonardo Baroncelli and Chantal Meloni analyze respectively the cases of the ICC’s action in Democratic Republic of Congo and Kenya, outlining future challenges and recent achievements.
The International Criminal Court and the politics of prosecutions / Alana Tiemessen in The International Journal of Human Rights Vol. 18, Iss. 4-5, 2014.
The author assesses the credibility of the ICC as an impartial and independent institution by demonstrating how state behaviour towards the Court has politicised prosecutions.
Africa’s Relationship with the International Criminal Court: More Political than Legal / Cole, Rowland J. V. in Melbourne Journal of International Law 14:2, 2014.
Democracy or Stability? European Approaches to Justice in Peace and Transitional Processes / Iavor Rangelov. in: Global Policy 5, no. 2 (May 1, 2014); p. 191–200.
Political Bickering over the International Criminal Court / Margit Hellwig-Bötte. SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (Germany). SWP Comments, 2014/C 05, January 2014, 4 p.
According to the author, AU criticism of the ICC is also an attempt to dissuade Western states from interfering in African-led peacekeeping efforts, and from being too patronizing about the respect of human rights and of the rule of law.
The ICC and its Deteriorating Relationship with Africa in Light of the Kenya Cases: What Should the EU Position be? / Mathias Holvoet; Medlir Mema. IES The Institute for European Studies. Policy Brief, 2013/09, November 2013, 4 p.
Africa Attacks the International Criminal Court / Kenneth Roth. The New York Review of Books, 6 February 2014.
A depiction of the individual situations of the indictees, this article also highlights the ICC’s responsibilities for the AU discontent.
ICC Africa “bias” may reflect rule of law constraints . Oxford Analytica, 27 March 2014.
“The near-absence of the rule of law presents real constraints to justice for many African countries.”
Rwandan Genocide-20 Years On: Remembering the importance of collective efforts towards political accountability . SAIIA South African Institute of International Affairs, 30 April 2014.
For the author, the calls for withdrawal from the Rome Statute are dangerous, because most African states lack capacity to sue war criminals before national courts.
Reflections on the Indictment of Sitting Heads of State and Government and Its Consequences for Peace and Stability and Reconciliation in Africa / Charles Chernor Jalloh. Social Science Research Network, 10 January 2014.
The author “contends that much of the African Union’s current concerns about the Kenya situation can be addressed within the confines of existing Rome Law”.
Universalising international criminal law: The ICC, Africa and the problem of political perceptions / Max du Plessis. ISS Institute for Security Studies (South Africa). ISS Papers, 249, December 2013, 12 p.
This paper discusses the gap between the universal aspirations of the ICC and its focus on the African continent, which can lead to undermining the credibility of the Court.
The African Union and the International Criminal Court: An embattled relationship? / Tim Murithi. IJR Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (South Africa). Policy Brief, 10, March 2013, 12 p.
This article discusses the trajectory of Africa’s relationship with the ICC and offer prospects to repair it.
The ICC and its Deteriorating Relationship with Africa in Light of the Kenya Cases: What Should the EU Position be? / Mathias Holvoet and Medlir Mem, Institute for European Studies, Policy Brief 2013/09 November 2013
Africa and the International Criminal Court / Max du Plessis, Tiyanjana Maluwa and Annie O’Reilly , Chatham House, International Law 2013/01 (July 2013).
Impunity for the Powerful: The African Union & the International Criminal Court / Arnold Wehmhoerner, FEPS 29/10/2013
A Fractious Relationship: Africa and the International Criminal Court / Perspectives 1/12, Heinrich Böll Foundation, 2012